Thursday, November 8, 2012

Thomas Paine's Book Common Sense

He was back in England when the French Revolution started and immediately came to the defense of the French revolutionists with his closely influential work, The Rights of Man, written in reply to the conservative ideology of Edmund Burke. He developed his radical thinkers for social, political, and economic re tune in his last major work in 1797, Agrarian Re coordinate. He died in 1809 (Honderich 641).

A look at the text of commonality Sense itself shows that in addition to the economic purpose and the speak to to a mother wit of the inwardness of regime and its purposes, Paine made intent of a strong sense of rhetoric and persuasive argument in formulating his analysis. This along with the argument itself helped convince the great deal of its cherish and led to its popularity. Paine makes it elapse at the outset that he intends to clear up the muddle that various writers have made of the start of government, and in the first paragraph he outlines the bonk in terms of how he views society, government, and the relationship between the two. He does this with a balanced comparison stating the nature of unity against the nature of the other, tell apart the two and their effects. Society he sees as positive and government as negative. In striking terms he illustrates the idea that government derives from the people in response to perceived needs, starring(p) to the tenet that government must respond to the needs of the people or be abolished. He describes government as evid


The very title of Paine's tract shows the attitude of its appeal to the American people--it offers "common sense," cutting through the thicket surrounding the issues and showing the true nature of the issues facing the people. He does not allow preconceptions about the countries involved to decide the issue. He does not seek an answer in sentimental attachments or historical accidents. He rather offers a common sense approach that avoids the argument in which everyone else is indulging and that goes right to the internality of the matter in a clear and direct way.
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He was certainly right that his ideas would become more accepted with time, and one of the reasons for this has to be the book he wrote to convey these ideas to those who would put them into effect and institute a revolution not only by casting off the yoke of English rule entirely in developing a completely new form of government reflecting the important ideas on civil rights set frontward by Paine. This book is important for its ideas as well as its historical value, and it possesses value in both slipway, as a historical document and as a political and philosophical statement.

Thus necessity. . . would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and demo the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other. . . (Paine 66).

Paine carries his argument from the imagined to the real as he turns to the issue of the British constitution, a document he sees as so complex that problems are bound to ensue. He traces the elements of this constitution to originally periods in history and to attempts to answer problems of those times in ways that have been carried into new eras where they are not as important but persist just the same. Paine also examines the issue of the monarchy and its meaning and finds that essentially a monarchy is not a necessary form of government and thus not one ordained by God as
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